Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a growing recognition of the role of exclusive identities in the perpetuation of hostility in societies experiencing inter-group tension. While identity is a quintessential expression of the Self, central to the conception of a collective identity is its relationship with those identities that it distinguishes itself from.
A former military officer in the Pakistani army and now an assistant professor of postcolonial literature at an American university, Masood Ashraf Raja challenges the notion that the Pakistan Resolution passed by the All India Muslim League on 23 March 1940 was the initial point of Muslim/Pakistani nationalism, as the mainstream historiography on both sides of the border and even other cosmopolitan sites have advocated and perpetuated. Instead, Raja proposes that the partition of India and the foundation of Pakistan should be seen as symptomatic of Muslim exceptionalism which, he suggests emphatically, began in the years following the rebellion of 1857.
Pakistan has occupied a great deal of India’s attention from the time it emerged in 1947. The Muslim League’s demand for parity with the Congress has transmuted into Pakistan’s desire for parity with India, and it may be argued that the north India centric Indian establishment, and media, have contributed to this aspiration by the importance it has traditionally accorded our western neighbour, at the expense of indifference towards others.
Between the idea And the reality ………………………… Falls the Shadow This is the way the world ends Not with a bang but a whimper T.S. Eliot, The Hollow Men This is a sad, sad book, the autobiography of a promising Pathan boy born in the Frontier town of Mardan in 1929, the year the Muslim League hit its nadir, unable to gather even the minimum quorum of 75 members required to run an annual session—and that too in a huge metropolis like Bombay.
China and India are poised to join the United States as great powers well before 2050, shaping the world into a tripolar order instead of a multipolar one. With this strong assertion, the book tries to explain why the current multipolar global system will be short-lived than it is usually argued by international affairs analysts. Based on the articles he published in 2004-2006, Arvind Virmani wants to prove that his earlier prognosis is still attainable in the near future.
Siddiq Salik, one time lecturer and journalist joined the Pakistan Army as Public Relations Officer and his tour of duty got him to Dacca in January 1970. He remained there until taken as a prisoner of war to India where he spent two years mulling over the fiasco that his bosses had so callously brought about.
Over the years, debates on China-India relations have evolved from being just fashionable to becoming ever more rigorous and complex. Driven by the need to develop their special niche, a number of recent studies have begun to focus on examining and highlighting the enormity, complexity, uniqueness and nuanced limitations of this China-India comparative paradigm.
The words and names Orissa, Jagganatha and Chaitanya are synonymous. Prabhat Mukherjee says in the Preface of his book, ‘Chitanya’s influence on the religious history of Orissa was profound. Chaitanya is probably the only Hindu saint who was deified during his lifetime.
This book began in the 1980s and was almost ready in 1991, under the title Indian Nuclear Strategy. Such a book would probably have been a bestseller, suggesting to the Indian public that India had a nuclear strategy in the years when the Prime Minister was famous for his quote that not giving a decision is also a decision.
Strategic thought through the ages has been driven by the need to deal with the future. The safety and well being of kingdoms, monarchies, nation states, regional or global powers, as well as of virtual states like the modern multinational corporations, depended on knowing the future scenarios in which they will function.